- Working in the Right Spirit:
- The Application of Buddhist Right Livelihood in
- the Friends of the Western Buddhist Order
Buddhism Expands in the West
Buddhism has set foot in the West with an amazing variety of traditions
and schools, centers and teachers. Religious interest in Buddhism has led to an
"explosive growth"(1) in the number of both
practitioners and Buddhist centers established in North America, Australia, Europe and
South Africa. Henry C. Finney calculated that more than 90% of the American Buddhist
groups and centers were founded during the 1970s or 1980s."(2)
Similarly, in Australia the number of Buddhists quadrupled from 35,000 (1981) to 140,000
(1991), these being organized in some 167 groups and societies."(3) One notes also the rapid increase of Buddhist institutions in Europe,
which in Britain shot up from seventy-four (1979) to about 340 (1997) and in Germany from
some forty (1975) to more than 400 (1997) meditation circles, groups and centers."(4) In addition to this dramatic growth, one is able to note an
expansion of topics covered by Buddhist concern: Green Buddhists argue that Buddhists
should take responsibility for nature and the environment, feminist Buddhists question the
male-dominated shape of Buddhist practices and contents, engaged Buddhists call for
socio-political involvement, to name just a few topics prominent among "white
Buddhists" in the West."(5)
The transplantation of Buddhist traditions to modernized, industrialized
countries often goes hand in hand with a call for the adaptation of Buddhist forms and
contents. The so-called "Asian garb" is to be shed in favor of interpretations
and forms assumed to be more in line with the new circumstances. The so-called
"essence of Buddhism," presented as timeless and universal, will be transferred
unchanged, however, as many Western Buddhists assure."(6)
Calls for new and adapted expressions are strongly brought forward from the camp of
"white", converted Westerners. 'Ethnic' Asian Buddhists, often neglected or
simply forgotten in regional studies, despite their numerical strength and well
institutionalized forms,"(7) most often favor a
conservative maintenance of their home countries' expressions. Thus, endeavors for change
and adaptation generally do not arise until the second and third migrant generation has
matured, as diaspora studies show."(8)
This paper shall concentrate on adaptive forms with regard to the
interpretation of Buddhist economic ethics in the West as presented by Western Buddhists.
A brief outline of ethics in Buddhist teachings will be followed by a presentation of
Weber's image of the "world withdrawn Buddhist," allegedly not involved in any
social and economic activities. Buddhist ethics, as portrayed by Weber, nowhere promotes
socio-political engagement and entrepreneurial activities. Contrary to Weber's stereotyped
view, which was widely accepted but rarely questioned, members of The Friends of the
Western Buddhist Order have started to develop businesses and cooperatives, thus combining
Buddhist teachings and involvement in the world. Their team-based Right Livelihood
endeavors already have created a Buddhist economy on a small scale; their ultimate aim is
to bring about a transformation of Western society. Thus, supposedly 'world withdrawn
Buddhists' have become socio-economically active in the Western world.
Buddhist Ethics and the Principle of Right Livelihood
Ethics and moral guidelines are defined as "siila (Sankrit)
or siila (Paali) in Buddhist tradition. The reference to ethics can be found in the
fundamental teachings of Buddhism, in the Four Noble Truths. The Fourth Truth, the Noble
Eightfold Path (a.t.thangika-magga), includes Right (or Perfect) View, Right
Resolve, Right Speech, Right Action, Right Livelihood, Right Effort, Right Awareness, and
finally, Right Meditation. Traditionally, these eight factors are divided into three
groups: Right View and Right Resolve are seen as aspects of insight or wisdom (pa~n~naa).
Right Speech, Action, and Livelihood comprise the range of virtue and ethics (siila).
The three remaining factors are seen as aspects of contemplation or meditation (samaadhi).
Concentrating on the second of the three Buddhist 'pillars', Right Speech (sammaa-vaacaa)
comprises telling the truth and not lying to one's own advantage or anyone else's. Right
Speech also means omitting meaningless and superfluous words; furthermore, it should have
a unifying and conciliating effect. Right Action or Conduct (sammaa-kammanta) is
the avoidance of killing, stealing and inappropriate sexual intercourse. Right Action
should encourage generosity (daana) and amicable social relations.
With regard to Right Livelihood (sammaa-aajiiva), concretized as
a moral working life, there are comparatively few considerations in Buddhist literature.
Typically enough, Nyaanaponika (German born Theravaada monk renowned for his translations
and systematizations) omits this fifth item of the Eightfold Path while explaining the
fourth Noble Truth."(9) The rare expositions are usually
in the negative, pointing to professions considered immoral and thus detrimental to the
Buddhist path of enlightenment. The jobs of hangman, butcher and thief are listed as
'non-benificial' (akusala). Likewise the professions of military men and hunters or
fishermen are regarded as 'non-salutary' (Majjhima 51). Equally, Buddhists should abstain
from trading with weapons, living creatures, meat, intoxicating drinks, and poison
(Anguttara 5, 177). Lay Buddhists who happen to be tradesmen should not betray customers
but treat them honestly."(10)
These ethical instructions are codified into the five resolutions or
vows for lay Buddhists. A lay Buddhist pledges not to kill, not to steal, to avoid sexual
misconduct, not to lie, and refrain from intoxicants such as alcohol or drugs (Anguttara
5, 174). There are additional vows for a monk or nun, including ten fundamental ones, and
a further 217 to 240 depending upon the specific traditions. Generosity (daana) in
the form of giving alms is the other, possibly even more fundamental, of the important
Buddhist ethical activities. Alms are usually given to members of the Buddhist monastic
order in countries of Theravaada Buddhism. Similarly, Mahaayaanists also give alms to
support monks, nuns and temples.
Traditional Buddhist ethics claim no direct involvement in social reform
nor provide societal guidelines. Rather, according to Heinz Bechert's interpretation, the
"original aim (of the Buddha's teaching) was not to shape life in the world,
but to teach liberation, release from the world.""(11) In this sense, Buddhist ethics can be regarded as a means for
approaching the final goal of liberation (vimutti, nibbaana). Ethical
principles serve the members of the monastic order as preparation to achieve insight by
means of meditation. Lay men and women strive to observe ethical standards so as to
achieve a better rebirth. This is the aim of Buddhist ethics, which can be called an
ethics of intention.
Buddhist ethics originated in an Asiatic agricultural society. But how
is it interpreted by contemporary Western Buddhists in modern, industrial societies? In
the West, does the popular image of the 'withdrawn Buddhist' also apply, a Buddhist who
supposedly does not take any direct action in the world so as not to get involved with
suffering?
The Image of Buddhist Withdrawal From the World
The image of the withdrawn Buddhist stems from Max Weber. It is an ideal
type which Weber developed in his comparative studies about Protestant ethics. This
stereotyped image has dominated scientific studies in the history of religions and
Buddhist studies to a very high degree."(12) In his Studies
on Hinduism and Buddhism, Weber asks to what extent "Indian religiosity" was
involved in the failure of a re-investment capitalism in Asia."(13) Weber's study is situated within his global research about the economic
ethics of the world's major religions (Wirtschaftsethik der Weltreligionen) and
always uses Protestant ethics as a point of comparison. Thus, the ethics of Protestantism
serve as the criterion for evaluation. According to Weber, only ascetic Protestantism has
given rise to a particular economic ethics, interpreting active involvement in this world
as a religious calling and economic success as a sign of chosenness.
"Weltheiligkeit" (world's sacredness) and "methodisch rationale
innerweltliche Lebensfuehrung" (methodic rational innerwordly way of life; see Religionssoziologie,
RS, II: 371) are key concepts of Weber.
Just as these features are characteristics of Calvinism, they are
uncharacteristic for early Buddhism, according to Weber. Weber describes early Buddhism as
a "specific unpolitical and anti-political profession-religion", a
"soteriology of intellectuals" (RS, II: 218). It has "not set up the
slightest social-political aim" and has been "per se apolitical" (RS, II:
245, 256). Weber characterizes Buddhist ethics as "ethics of not acting" (RS,
II: 235). According to him, a "methodical ethics for the laity" (RS, II: 236)
are not provided. Key words here are "Weltindifferenz" (indifference towards the
world), "aeusserliche Weltflucht" (external world withdrawal) and
"weltindifferentes Handeln" (world indifferent acting; see RS, II: 367). Weber
recapitulates, as the result of his investigation, that a religious legitimation of
worldly action and effort cannot be traced in Asia: "An internal connection of
services in the world with extra-worldly soteriology was not possible."(14) However, is such a combination, as established by Weber, in principle
possible? Provided that it is possible, which determinants and circumstances contribute to
a supportive relation between inner-worldly action and extra-worldly liberation teachings,
in this case, the Buddhist teaching on suffering and the way leading to the termination of
suffering?
Tentative starting-points for such a combination and thus a move away
from a supposedly strict indifference toward the world can be found in the development of
Mahaayaana Buddhism and its ideal of the bodhisattva. A bodhisattva, whether nun/monk or
lay woman/lay man, remains and acts in the world and nonetheless is not attached to it.
According to Weber, the development of the Mahaayaana is "an adaptation to the
economic conditions of existence in the world and to the needs of the laity looking for an
auxiliary saint" (RS, II: 271). Nevertheless, Mahaayaana, similar to early Buddhism,
does not account for rational ethics of economy, according to Weber (RS, II: 234, 277).
Despite these considerations, it is possible to give evidence that in a
new social context, Buddhist teachings definitely are able to bring forth an
"economic rationalism" and a "rational method of life" (RS, II: 375).
Accordingly, we will present a brief portrait of the Buddhist movement The Friends of the
Western Buddhist Order and its interpretation of Buddhist action in the world, as follows.
The Friends of the Western Buddhist Order
The Friends of the Western Buddhist Order (FWBO) was founded by the
former Theravaada monk Sangharakshita. Sangharakshita, born Dennis Lingwood in 1925 to
working class parents near London, became a member of the Buddhist sangha in 1950.
Sangharakshita ('protector of the order') settled down in Kalimpong (Darjeeling district)
and became very active in publication activities, as co-editor of the Mahaa Bodhi
Journal. Having close contact with Tibetan refugees in the area, he started studying
the Vajrayaana and received initiations in its different traditions. Sangharakshita
conducted preaching tours throughout India and became active in the conversion movement of
so-called untouchables, initiated by Bhimrao R. Ambedkar (1891-1956) in 1956.(15)
After more than twenty years of Buddhist life in India, Sangharakshita
moved to England in 1967. There he started the Buddhist movement FWBO. Sangharakshita held
that "the FWBO is . . . a Western spiritual movement, a Western spiritual phenomenon.
It seeks to practice Buddhism under the conditions of modern Western civilization, which
is a secularized and industrialized civilization."(16)
The FWBO seeks to give Buddhism "an up-to-date shape, fitting Western
conditions."(17) Even within the context of a highly
industrialized and urbanized society, "the Buddhist way of life, the spiritual
life" is feasible.(18) In order to create such a
'Western form', the FWBO utilizes methods and contents of various Buddhist schools and
traditions.(19) Basic to the FWBO is its reference to
"the spirit of the Original teaching," as Sangharakshita calls it.(20) The movement calls itself "a fully 'traditional' Buddhist
school."(21) In addition, Western arts and literature
(e.g., William Blake, Goethe and Nietzsche) are made use of, and it is noted that "we
are prepared to draw on sources of inspiration outside Buddhism . . . as a bridge to an
understanding of the Dharma."(22)
The Order
The focal point of the FWBO is the Western Buddhist Order.
Sangharakshita explicitly started an order because he felt that the personal engagement of
the individual and the spiritual fellowship of the order members should be the basis of
the new Buddhist movement which he envisaged. The personal commitment to the Buddha,
Dharma, and Sangha are of prime importance. Thus, the FWBO places a major emphasis on the
act of going for refuge (saranagamana), as it is considered a turning point in the
life of an individual. "The Going for Refuge is really the central act of the
Buddhist life. It is what makes you a Buddhist."(23)
Members of the Order are men and women, single, married or those living
in celibacy, some with full-time jobs and others who devote all of their energy to the
further development of the FWBO. "The member of the Western Buddhist Order represents
a new type of Buddhist, or rather a full-time committed Buddhist of the traditional kind
working under the very different conditions of the 'global village' and 'post-industrial
society'."(24) Many, although not all, order members
live together in residential communities to enable the development of 'spiritual
friendship' amongst each other. Such communities, most often single sex, are usually found
near a center of the FWBO. Through the centers and their offers of meditation and yoga
courses, study days, puujaas (devotional ceremonies), and the celebration of
Buddhist festivals, interested members of the public and more committed
"Friends" come into contact with the FWBO.
Development and Size
In the beginning the movement was restricted to England where the first
centers, shared flats, cooperatives, and projects came into being. By the end of the
1970s, the movement started to gain a foothold in other countries of Europe and overseas.
Amongst its overseas branches, the FWBO highlights the relation with the Buddhist
conversion movement of Ambedkar. Since 1978 there have been European FWBO Buddhists living
in the West of India for the religious instruction and education of the Neo-Buddhists
there. FWBO members founded charities ('Karuna Trust' and 'Bahuja Hitay'), cooperatives,
and craft businesses for the material help and medical supply of the former untouchables.
After Great Britain, most FWBO centers and Order members can be found in India, where the
number of 'Friends' is estimated to be several tens of thousands.(25)
Apart from the strong Indian branch, centers and FWBO projects were
founded during the 1980s and 1990s in Australia, New Zealand, Malaysia, Sri Lanka, Nepal,
North and South America, and various countries in Europe. In the mid-1980s, there existed
eleven centers, various FWBO groups, and ten cooperatives in Great Britain. Ten years
later the movement had grown to about thirty centers and thirty-five groups in Great
Britain alone (1997). On a global scale there are about fifty city centers, fifteen
retreat centers, various local groups, and Right Livelihood cooperatives.(26) Worldwide there were 187 Order members in 1982; in 1988 the number was
345. Likewise, the increase continued during the following years. In 1991 the figure was
about 450, and in 1997 nearly 700 members existed. The number of supporters and 'Friends'
is estimated to be approximately 100,000, the vast majority of them being Buddhists in
India. The movement has established a highly productive publishing service, launching
books by Sangharakshita and Order members and also producing various journals of high
standards. During the 1980s and 1990s the organization grew to become one of Great
Britain's principle Buddhist movements.
In the Spring of 1997, Sangharakshita stepped down as the organizational
head of the Order. The responsibility for ordination and spiritual leadership was conveyed
to the Preceptor's College Council, formed by eleven men and two women based in
Birmingham. In this way, a smooth transference of tasks and responsibilities from the
founder of the movement to a group of experienced disciples should be ensured. Contrary to
the experience of many newly-created schools, the almost inevitable difficulties of
succession and issues of power are being solved already during the lifetime of the
movement's initiator. Only time will show whether this model will work out successfully,
or whether the FWBO will be faced with controversies and splits after Sangharakshita's
decease.(27)
Siila and Right Livelihood According to the FWBO
The FWBO understands itself as a Western Buddhist movement.
"Western" stands less for a geographic label than for a description of its
contents: hinted at are the secular, industrial and urban structures of society. According
to Sangharakshita, present Western society makes it more difficult to lead a Buddhist
life. The main causes of this are the higher standard of living, overstimulation, and
limited possibilties for the individual to develop spiritually due to societal constrains.(28) Thus, within this less beneficial context, the community of
an order would provide the best environment to move and develop on the Buddhist path.
Considerations of the social context also affect the interpretation of Buddhist norms and
ethics. Thus, Buddhist ethics are reinterpreted according to the demands of the new social
situation.
In what specific ways, then, does the FWBO translate the idea of Right
Livelihood into action in a modern context? FWBO members endeavor to take the ethical
instruction of Right Livelihood as a challenge and guideline to adjust their lives to
Buddhist principles regarding economic pursuits. The members of the Order are not only
careful in avoiding certain professions, but they also want to use their working time
constructively for their own spiritual development.
The criterion for a morally pure profession is that the activity in
which someone is engaged is to be wholesome, beneficial, and skillful (kusala) in a
Buddhist sense, both for the individual and society. Expanding the above mentioned list of
'non-beneficial' professions, FWBO members consider the production and sale of superfluous
luxury goods and of inferior products negatively. Jobs such as those in the advertising
industry are also considered to be less constructive.(29) Not
only is a job's specific nature important, but also its contents and purpose. Accordingly,
a job has to be ethical, i.e., it must not hurt, exploit or cheat any living creature.
Careful dealing with nature and the environment is also of importance.(30) Expressed positively, it means that one's work should be meaningful and
useful: it should be beneficial for the individual as regards his/her own spiritual growth
and likewise useful for society, e.g., offering basic and useful goods or services. The
goods produced or services done are expected to be of a high standard. Good quality and
honesty should aim to be an advertisement for the reliability of the FWBO cooperatives.
A further criterion for a justly applied Right Livelihood activity is
that, if possible, an activity should not be carried out alone, but jointly with others.
This feature provides the possibility of working together in a group with people who share
the same ideals and thus encourage and inspire each other. At the same time, people who
work together would be able to learn to act and manage without an authoritarian hierachy,
to take over responsibilities and to make decisions according to the principle of consent.
Working in structures of a cooperative nature also contributes to a positive working
climate and, apart from the Buddhist ethical ideals, offers further motivation to do even
unpleasant tasks with a smile.
On the basis of these considerations, FWBO members founded team-based
cooperatives in the sense of Right Livelihood enterprises in the late 1970s. They started,
among other things, wholefood shops, vegetarian restaurants, printing offices, home and
car insurances and garden centers. In the mid to late 1980s, approximately half of the
Order members and many 'Friends' worked in FWBO related cooperatives and projects. During
this time the cooperatives in Great Britain achieved an annual turnover of about two
million pounds, employing eighty-five people fulltime.(31)
The FWBO's leading business has become Windhorse Trading in Cambridge. It runs a wholesale
and retail gift business and was listed as one of the hundred fastest-growing companies in
Britain in 1992 (growth rate of 37%). In 1996 sales were up 37% to 7.5 million pounds (US$
60 million) and profits were up 101% to 1.27 million pounds. In 1997, it had eighteen
'Evolution Gift Shops' in the UK, Ireland and Spain, empolying some 170 Buddhists.(32) The fifth factor of the Eightfold Path has thus found its
institutionalization in free-enterprise cooperatives.
Furthermore, regarding economic issues, the job done in a cooperative
should be efficient. Thus, it should not wear out the workers by exploitation, but should
yield enough money both for one's own living and Buddhist welfare projects. The latter at
the same time would enable members to practice the Buddhist virtue of generosity (daana).
The fundamental principle dealing with donations and earnings within the FWBO runs:
"give what you can, take what you need."(33) As
Subhadramati, who has worked for nine years in a London Buddhist restaurant, explains:
"We all receive the same basic money each week (enough to live on but not to save)
and a set number of weeks for retreats and time off. But if anyone needs more, they ask
and the team discusses it. I used to view not asking for extras as a virtue."(34) Whether one judges such an attitude as naive and credulous,
or as a strong and strict position towards changing capitalistic society, Subhadramati
valued her years working in the Right Livelihood restaurant as "a situation in which
I can be wholehearted."(35) In the cooperatives people
aim to transfer their work into a form and practice of giving. Generosity and conscious
avoiding of exploitation are thus the basis of a Buddhist economy as the FWBO understands
it.
Finally, leading a life according to Right Livelihood principles should
be distinguished not only in its form and contents but also by way of its objective: for
members of the FWBO, to be a Buddhist entails not only working on oneself individually
through meditation and teachings. It should also encompass various kinds of sociopolitical
activities, finding expression in projects and institutions pointing the way ahead. The
bodhisattva ideal of Mahaayaana Buddhism is explicitly referred to in this context. The
selfless and altruistic attitude of a bodhisattva is interpreted as sociopolitical
engagement to create better conditions for the practice of the Dharma in the Western
world. The aim of a Right Livelihood business is thus, apart from its economic efficiency
and producing a financial surplus, to change the existing society. Already today one
should start creating the "New Society," as the existing conditions are seen as
detrimental to mental and spiritual growth.(36) In this sense
the cooperatives act as bridges between the spiritual world of the FWBO and the profane
environment. At the same time they serve as a means to draw attention to Buddhist
teachings and to advertise them. And last but not least, Right Livelihood businesses
enable the FWBO to be financially self-supporting and thus not obliged to depend on the
"old society" and its demands.
In the communities and cooperatives, possibilities of living jointly are
organized and trained for in a practical way. The combination of a Buddhist center,
residential community and cooperative serves as a Buddhist society in miniature within the
Western, industrialized world. This Buddhist society does not aim only to be a pattern and
example of the ideal New Society, but also intends to criticize the existing structures
and values of society by way of its attractiveness. As Sangharakshita emphasized: "I
do not want to see little pockets of Buddhism here and there with the remainder of society
completely unchanged. I don't want there to be just little Buddhist oases in the midst of
the desert of secular life. I want them to spread and to influence their surroundings in a
positive way."(37)
Buddhist Reevaluation of Society and Work
Saakyamuni Buddha, to whom all Buddhist schools refer, never did regular
work himself, neither in a payed job nor in voluntary employment. Nevertheless, the
exhortation for a right way of living is placed within the basic instructions of Buddhist
teachings. On the one hand, the historical Buddha himself had many lay-followers who
carried out professions as merchants, blacksmiths, herdsmen or farmers. On the other hand,
the FBWO, in the light of Indian history, takes the idea of Right Livelihood as containing
a reminder that manual and physical work was a task assigned to India's lower castes and
thus enjoyed little prestige and respect. Even today it is difficult in India to live a
religious life and to do manual work at the same time. Maybe that is one reason for
including the instruction of Right Livelihood within the Eightfold Path: it should offer
an opportunity to lay people to both succeed in living a Buddhist life and question the
stigma of manual work. In China and Japan, the attitude towards physical work and its
evaluation is completely different from that in India. In the socio-culturally new
'Western' context, the FWBO raises the exhortation for a Right Livelihood, relatively
litte emphasized in Asia and in Buddhist texts, to be one of the central elements of its
movement. The reevaluation of this ethical teaching goes beyond the activity of the
individual and drafts plans for the creation of a New Society. Thus, unlike in traditional
Asia, social conditions are taken into consideration and the analysis of these aims to
direct Buddhist action and effort. The state of affairs of society is not ignored, but is
seen as something to be actively remolded. As Order member Subhuti puts the issue in a
nutshell, "the creation of a New Society is the purpose of the FWBO."(38) A shift of emphasis and priority becomes apparent, compared
to traditional Buddhist views in Asia.
Next to this socio-political component, the reevaluation of work becames
evident: work is valued as positive, beneficial and helpful. Parallels between the
Buddhistic ethos of work outlined above and the ethos of calling of Protestant ethics
become evident. Both English FWBO Buddhists and members of American Puritan sects of the
17th century have followed religious goals in their profession and activities. By way of
these religious ideals, both have been motivated to work industriously and to do work of
high quality. As regards social reputation, being a member of a specific religious group
vouches for quality, sincerity and honesty. Members of the FWBO are still striving for
that reputation, however. We can see, then, that Weber's "economic rationalism"
(RS, II: 375) is present in this Buddhist movement.
Though it seems that the FWBO-Buddhist work ethos and the Calvinist
ethos of calling are structurally quite close, they diverge totally as regards religious
motivation and goals. The Puritan follower, whose religion is based on the fundamental
doctrine of predestination, attempts to identify a sign of his/her own state of grace,
being either chosen or damned by God. Success in work is interpreted as a sign of
chosenness. In particular, profit in business life is valued as a promising indication of
God's granted grace and thus serves both as a sign and confirmation "to be on the
only just way: to work for God's glory."(39) Very
differently, a person jointly working in a FWBO cooperative seems to be motivated by the
opportunity of personal, spiritual growth with co-followers. Also, he/she contributes to
the spread of the Dharma and helps, bit by bit, to change existing society in the
direction of the aspired New Society. Nevertheless, the driving force after all appears to
be to gain insight and wisdom in a Buddhist sense, and to help others to achieve this. The
rules of morality outlined in the Eightfold Path serve for that purpose: not until
excellence in one's own speech, action and livelihood is realized can one hope to gain
insight through meditation.
Conclusion
Returning to the starting point: in a changed social context, "an
inner connection of achievements in the world with an extra-worldly soteriology" (RS,
II: 367) seems also reasonable with regards to Buddhism. Whether one agrees to Weber's
stereotyped analysis or not, the case of the FWBO points to a more general feature. Under
new socio-cultural conditions, Buddhist teachings prove to be highly adaptable and
flexible. The example of the FWBO makes evident that Western concepts, such as a
capitalistic work ethos, ecological considerations, and a social-reformist perspective,
can be integrated into the Buddhist tradition. This feature can be valued as one of many
reactions of the Buddhist religion to modern conditions.
Earlier in this article, Buddhist ethics were described as an ethics of
intention. It has a pragmatic and purposeful direction. It is pragmatic and instrumental
as Buddhist doctrine understands itself as a means only for reaching a specific goal.(40) It is compared to a raft which brings the person striving
for insight across the stream of suffering.
Notes
1. Charles S. Prebish, "Ethics and
Integration in American Buddhism," Journal of Buddhist Ethics 2 (1995):
125-139, quote 126. Return to text
2. Henry C. Finney, "American Zen's 'Japan
Connection': A Critical Case Study of Zen Buddhism's Diffusion to the West," Sociological
Analysis 52, no. 4 (1991): 379-396, quote 383. Finney's calculation was based on Don
Morreale's account in Buddhist America: Centers, Retreats, Practices. (Santa Fe,
New Mexico: J. Muir Publ., 1988). Prebish justly points out that no accurately collected
data is available regarding the present figure of Buddhists and Buddhist groups in the US;
see Prebish, "Ethics and Integration" (note (1) above): 132. For most recent
lists of Buddhist centers in the US and Canada, see Peter Lorie and Julie Foakes, The
Buddhist Directory: United States of America & Canada (Boston: Tuttle 1997) and
the update of Morreale's Buddhist America; see Don Morreale, Jack Kornfield, Joseph
Goldstein, The Complete Guide to Buddhist America (Boulder: Shambhala 1998). Return to text
3. Enid Adam and Philip Hughes, The Buddhists
in Australia (Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service, 1996), 41 and 61.
Unfortunately, information on a number of Buddhist organizations for 1981 is not
available. The tremendous increase is, however, mostly due to a sharp rise in the number
of Asian immigrants who settled in Australia during the 1980s. Return to
text
4. See Martin Baumann, "Creating a European
Path to Nirvana: Historical and Contemporary Developments of Buddhism in Europe," Journal
of Contemporary Religion 10, no. 1 (1995): 55-70, esp. 62-63. The updated number of
centers and groups in Germany is based on the list of "Buddhist Groups in
Germany" edited by the German Buddhist Union, Munich, January 1997. For Britain, see The
Buddhist Directory, edited by The Buddhist Society, London, 1st and 7th ed., 1979 and
1997. A "Survey of Recent Studies and Sources," by Martin Baumann, treats the
various historical developments of Buddhism outside Asia and can be found in Vol. 4 (1997)
of the Journal of Buddhist Ethics, 194-211. A sketch is also provided in Martin
Baumann "Buddhism in the West: Phases, Orders and the Creation of an Integrative
Buddhism," Internationales Asienforum 27, no. 3-4 (1996): 345-362. These
simple figures, however, do not differentiate between, say, Buddhist circles which meet
once a week in a private room versus established centers with their own premises,
residential communities, daily worships (puujaa) and a range of course offerings.
Nevertheless, the numbers do substantialize statements about the growing interest in
Buddhism in the West. Return to text
5. See, among others, Fred Eppsteiner (ed.), The
Path of Compassion: Writings on Socially Engaged Buddhism (Berkeley: Parallax Press,
1988); Ken Jones, The Social Face of Buddhism: An Approach to Political and Social
Activism (London, Boston: Wisdom Pub lications, 1989); Kenneth Kraft (ed.), Inner
Peace, World Peace: Essays on Buddhism and Nonviolence (Albany: State University of
New York Press, 1992); Rita M. Gross, Buddhism After Patriarchy (Albany: State
University of New York Press, 1993). See also the encompassing survey by Stephen
Batchelor, The Awakening of the West: The Encounter of Buddhism and Western Culture
(Berkeley: Parallax Press, 1994). Equally promising is Andrew Rawlinson's The Book of
Enlightened Masters: Western Teachers in Eastern Traditions (Chicago: Open Court
Press, 1997). The term 'white Buddhist' was taken from Rick Fields, How the Swans Came
to the Lake: A Narrative History of Buddhism in America (Boulder: Shambhala, 1981): 83
(3rd, updated ed. 1992); see also his "Confession of a White Buddhist," Tricylce
4 (1994): 54-56. Return to text
6. Prime examples are the interpretations and
presentations of Lama Govinda and his 1933 founded order Arya Maitreya Mandala and
Sangharakshita's Friends of the Western Buddhist Order. An analysis of their hermeneutical
approaches is provided in Martin Baumann, Deutsche Buddhisten: Geschichte und
Gemeinschaften, 2nd enl. ed. (Marburg: Diagonal, 1995), 145-181, 299-305, and 356-363.
Likewise, see the eight lectures of leading Western Buddhists at the conference of the
'European Buddhist Union', Berlin 1992, published as Einheit in der Vielfalt:
Buddhismus im Westen, ed. by the German Buddhist Union (Munich: German Buddhist Union
1993). Return to text
7. For the US, see Paul David Numrich, Old
Wisdom in the New World: Americanization in Two Immigrant Theravaada Buddhist Temples
(Knoxville: University of Tennessee, 1996). See also Jan Nattier, "Visible and
Invisible: On the Politics of Representation in Buddhist America," Tricycle 17
(1995): 42-49; and Charles S. Prebish and Kenneth K. Tanaka (eds.), The Faces of
Buddhism in America (Berkeley: University of California Press, forthcoming in Summer
1998). Return to text
8. I acknowledge that for reasons of simplicity,
a partly dichotomous presentation is set up. Interests and aims to adapt vary
considerably, both among Western and Asian Buddhist teachers and groups. This issue would
need further elaboration, which cannot be pursued here. For related diaspora studies, see
Catherine Ballard, "Conflict, Continuity and Change: Second-generation South
Asians," in Minority Families in Britain: Support and Stress, edited by Verity
Saifullah Khan (London, Basingstoke: Macmillan , 1979): 109-129; Robert Jackson and
Eleanor Nesbitt, Hindu Children in Britain (Stoke-on-Trent: Trentham Books, 1993);
and Roger Ballard (ed.), Desh Pardesh: The South Asian Presence in Britain (London:
Hurst, 1994). Return to text
9. Nyaanaponika, Der Weg zur Erloesung,
2nd revised ed. (Konstanz: Christiani, 1981), 53-71. In his Das Wort des Buddha,
5th ed. (Konstanz: Christiani, 1989), however, he gives some relevant canonical passages;
see 70-71. Return to text
10. A reference to Right Livelihood also can be
found in the "four kinds of virtue based on purity" (catu-paarisuddhi-siila).
These, however, relate to the monastic order only and comprise (1) restraint with regard
to the monastic obligations, (2) control of the senses, (3) purity in one's means of
livelihood, and (4) virtue in respect of the four monastic requisites (dress, food,
shelter and medicine); see, among others, Nyaanatiloka, Buddhistisches Woerterbuch,
4th ed. (Konstanz: Christiani, 1989), 162 and 210; and Sangharakshita, A Survey of
Buddhism, 6th ed. (London: Tharpa, 1987), 168. Additionally, I was referred to Russell
F. Sizemore and Donald K. Swearer (eds.), Ethics, Wealth and Salvation: A Study in
Buddhist Social Ethics (Columbia, South Carolina: University of South Carolina Press,
1990); P.A. Payutta, Buddhist Economics: A Middle Way for the Market Place
(Bangkok: Buddhadhamma Foundation, 2nd enl. ed. 1994); and Claud Whitmyer (ed.), Mindfulness
and Meaningful Work: Explorations in Right Livelihood (Berkeley, CA: Parallax Press,
1994). Return to text
11. Heinz Bechert, "Foreword" in Heinz
Bechert and Richard Gombrich (eds.), The World of Buddhism (London: Thames and
Hudson, 1984): 7, italics by Bechert. See, however, most recently Perry Schmidt-Leukel,
"Die gesellschaftspolitisch Dimension des Buddhismus," Zeitschrift fuer
Missionswissenschaft und Religionswissenschaft 81, no. 4 (1997): 289-305. Return to text
12. Weber's image of early Buddhism is valued by
leading scholars in Buddhist studies as, to a large degree, correct; see Heinz Bechert,
"Max Webers Darstellung der Geschichte des Buddhismus in Sued- und
Suedostasien," in Wolfgang Schluchter (ed.), Max Webers Studie ueber Hinduismus
und Buddhismus (Frankfurt a.M.: Suhrkamp, 1984): 274-292, esp. 274; and Etienne
Lamotte, "The Buddha, His Teachings and His Sangha," in Bechert, Gombrich
(eds.), The World of Buddhism (London: Thames and Hudson, 1984): 41-58. Evers,
scholar in the sociology of religion, confirms Weber's division of world-involvement and
world-withdrawal; see Hans-Dieter Evers, Monks, Priests and Peasants (Leiden:
Brill, 1972), esp. 104. On the other hand, Tambiah criticizes Weber's interpretation as
exaggerated and narrow minded; see Stanley J. Tambiah, "Max Webers Untersuchung des
fruehen Buddhismus: Eine Kritik," in Schluchter 1984: 202-246, esp. 207. With regard
to the sources Weber used, see Bechert's above mentioned contribution in the Schluchter
volume, 1984, 277 and Karl-Heinz Golzio, "Zur Verwendung indologischer Literatur in
Max Webers Studie ueber Hinduismus und Buddhismus," in Schluchter, 1984: 363-373. Return to text
13. Max Weber, Gesammelte Aufsaetze zur
Religionssoziologie, Vol. II, 5th ed. (Tuebingen: Mohr, 1972), 4. Here and following
the German expressions were translated by the author. Weber’s study on the sociology
of religion, Religionssoziologie, will be abbreviated as RS, II. Return
to text
14. Weber's key sentence in German is:
"Eine innere Verbindung der Leistung in der Welt mit der aeusserweltlichen
Soteriologie war nicht moeglich," Gesammelte Aufsaetze zur Religionssoziologie,
Vol. II, 367. The accuracy of Weber's claims cannot be discussed here, but its
appropriateness seems questionable in light of the Buddhist teachings to laypeople, the
concept of the cakkavatti king and the activities of a bodhisattva; see also
Christopher S. Queen and Sallie B. King (eds.), Engaged Buddhism: Buddhist Liberation
Movements in Asia (Albany, New York: SUNY Press, 1996). There is a vast amount of
secondary literature on Weber, his Protestant-Capitalism-thesis and whether similar
features are traceable in Asia. Among many, see Robert N. Bellah, Tokugawa Religion
(Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press, 1957); the collection of papers in Constans Seyfarth and
Walter M. Sprondel (eds.), Seminar: Religion und gesellschaftliche Entwicklung. Studien
zur Protestantismus-Kapitalismus-These Max Webers (Frankfurt am Main : Suhrkamp,
1973); and Andreas Buss, "Buddhism and Rational Activity" Internationales
Asienforum 13, no. 3-4 (1982): 211-230. Return to text
15. There is a rapidly growing body of
literature by Sangharakshita and the FWBO; see Sangharakshita's memoirs, The
Thousand-Petalled Lotus: The Indian Journey of an English Buddhist (Gloucester: Alan
Sutton, 1976); Facing Mount Kanchenjunga (Birmingham: Windhorse, 1991); and The
Rainbow Road (Birmingham: Windhorse, 1997). See also his autobiographical records The
History of My Going For Refuge (Glasgow: Windhorse, 1988) and Forthy-three years
Ago: Reflections on my Bhikkhu Ordination (Glasgow: Windhorse, 1993). An authorized
biography was written by Dharmachari Subhuti, Bringing Buddhism to the West: A Life of
Sangharakshita (Birmingham: Windhorse, 1995). Sangharakshita has laid down his
understanding and interpretation of Buddhism already in 1957; see his A Survey of
Buddhism, 6th ed. (London: Tharpa, 1987). With regard to Ambedkar, see Sangharakshita,
Ambedkar and Buddhism (Glasgow: Windhorse, 1986). Return to text
16. Sangharakshita, New Currents in Western
Buddhism (Glasgow: Windhorse, 1990), 54. Return to text
17. Quoted from the programme of the Buddhist
Centre Essen (Germany). Return to text
18. Sangharakshita, New Currents in Western
Buddhism, 1990, 19. Return to text
19. With regard to this synthetic approach, see
the FWBO-Newsletter 68 (1984), characterizing the three Buddhist vehicles (yaanas)
from a FWBO point of view. The same approach is outlined in Dharmacari Subhuti, The
Buddhist Vision (London 1985). Return to text
20. Sangharakshita, Survey of Buddhism,
1957, repr. 1987, 97. (Capitalization by Sangharakshita). Return to text
21. Dharmacari Vessantara, The Friends of the
Western Buddhist Order. An Introduction (Glasgow: Windhorse, 1988), 9. Return to text
22. Vessantara, The Friends, 1988, 9. For
this point, see in detail Sangharakshita, Alternative Traditions (Glasgow:
Windhorse, 1986) and The Religion of Art (Glasgow: Windhorse, 1986) as well as
Dharmachari Subhuti, Buddhism for Today: A Portrait of a New Buddhist Movement, 2nd
enlarged ed. (Glasgow: Windhorse, 1988), 94-101, for the forms of Buddhist meditation
practiced, see 48-60. Return to text
23. Sangharakshita, New Currents in Western
Buddhism, 1990, 85. Likewise, see Subhuti, "Buddham saranam gacchami," Golden
Drum 1 (1986): 12-13; and Subhuti, Buddhism for Today, 1988, 140-144. Return to text
24. Subhuti, Buddhism for Today, 1988,
140. For the importance of the order, see 129-173. For non-members' accounts of the FWBO,
see, among others, Batchelor, Awakening of the West, 1994, 323-340; Baumann, Deutsche
Buddhisten, 1995, 164-181; and Sandra Bell, "Change and Identity in the Friends
of the Western Buddhist Order," Scottish Journal of Religious Studies 17, no.
2 (1996): 87-107. Return to text
25. See Dharmachari Nagabodhi (Terry Pilchick), Jai
Bhim! Dispatches from a Peaceful Revolution (Glasgow: Windhorse, 1988) and the issues
of the FBWO magazine Golden Drum 10 (1988); 25 (1992); and 31 (1994). For a general
and scholarly, non-FWBO-biased account of the neo-Buddhist movement, see Timothy
Fitzgerald, "Buddhism in Maharashtra: A Tri-partite Analysis: A Research
Report," in Dr. Ambedkar, Buddhism and Social Change, edited by A.K. Narain
and D.C. Ahir (New Delhi: D.K. Publ., 1994): 17-34; and Alan Sponberg, "TBMSG: A
Dhamma Revolution in Contemporary India," in Engaged Buddhism: Buddhist Liberation
Movements in Asia edited by Christopher S. Queen and Sallie B. King (Albany: SUNY
Press, 1996): 73-120. For a comparison of the reformistic interpretations of Ambedkar and
those of Sangharakshita, see Martin Baumann, "Neo-Buddhistische Konzeptionen in
Indien und England," Zeitschrift fuer Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 43, no.
2 (1991): 97-116. Return to text
26. For the figures relating to Great Britain,
see The Buddhist Directory, ed. by the Buddhist Society London, 7th ed. 1997,
121-122. For current information, see the movement's webpage, URL: http://www.fwbo.org/. A
four-part video series of the history of the FWBO (1964-1979) is also available. Return to text
27. For the Preceptor's College Council, see
most recently Guhyapati, "Vital Connections," Dharma Life 5 (1997):
60-61. Some previous internal problems as regards exerting control and power as a
centre’s chairman were quite openly discussed in Dharma Life 7 (1998), 8-9 and
56-61. This was, however, also done in response to an article in the national newspaper The
Guardian, Supplement, late October 1997, criticising the FWBO. Return
to text
28. Sangharakshita, New Currents in Western
Buddhism, 1990, 26-33. Return to text
29. Dharmacari Virachitta, "The Practice of
Right Livelihood," Golden Drum 12 (1989): 5. Return to text
30. See Golden Drum 16 (1990):
"Buddhism and the Environment" and Saramati, "How Green is the Path?" Dharma
Life 2 (1996): 16-22. With regard to a correspondence between a profession and the
five ethical principles of a lay Buddhist, see Dharmacari Sanghaloka, "The Modern
Context" Golden Drum 12 (1989): 6-7; and Subhuti, Buddhism for Today,
1988, 74-88. Return to text
31. Dharmacari Tejamati, "Working Inside
the Movement," Golden Drum 12 (1989): 8-9. See most recently Vajraketu,
"Marketing Values," Dharma Life 6 (1997): 24-27. Return
to text
32. Figures from last page of Dharma Life
5 (1997). See earlier, "Transforming Work" Golden Drum 39 (1995): 13; and
Dharmacari Vajraketu, "The Dana Economy," Golden Drum 22 (1991): 6-7. Return to text
33. Subhuti, Buddhism for Today, 1988:
77. Likewise, Dharmacari Vajraketu, "Working for the World" Golden Drum 4
(1987): 7. See also Golden Drum 22 (1991) "The Art of Generosity." Return to text
34. Subhadramati, "Working Wonders:
Subhadramati's Experience of Practising Right Livelihood in a Buddhist restaurant," Dharma
Life 5 (1997): 38-41, quote 41. Return to text
35. Subhadramati, "Working Wonders" Dharma
Life (1997), 41. Return to text
36. See Subhuti, Buddhism for Today,
1988, 129 and Subhuti, Sangharakshita, A New Voice in the Buddhist Tradition
(Birmingham: Windhorse, 1994), 219-263. Apparently, the FWBO internet homepage contains a
hyperlink "Creating a New Society." Return to text
37. "Den Westen Integrieren: Interview mit
Sangharakshita," interview done by Martin Baumann and Christian von Somm, German
translation in Spirita: Zeitschrift fuer Religionswissenschaft 1 (1992): 58-61,
quote 60; quoted also in Subhuti, Sangharakshita. A New Voice, 1994, 253. Return to text
38. Subhuti, Buddhism for Today, 1988,
129. Return to text
39. Max Weber, Die Protestantische Ethik,
ed. by J. Winckelmann, 7th ed. (Guetersloh: Mohn, 1984), 347. Return to
text
40. See Michael Pye, Skillful
Means. A Concept in Mahaayaana-Buddhism (London: Duckworth, 1978). Return
to text